This peculiar situation demands of us an ability to adapt ourselves to the special conditions of Party work among unprecedentedly large masses of proletarians who have just awakened to political life.
And the Plekhanovs, Goldenbergs and Co. Lenin Internet Archivemarx. This level of political confusion, simply speaking of a division of labour between the provisional government and the soviets, not only overlooked class antagonisms but had already had a disorientating effect on the Bolsheviks.
To their surprise, however, Lenin expressed hostility toward most of them, denouncing both the provisional government and the Petrograd Soviet that had helped to bring about the change of power. The weight of emphasis in the agrarian programme to be shifted to the Soviets of Agricultural Labourers' Deputies.
As Lenin still affirmed: The Tasks of the Proletariat in the Present Revolution [a. Lenin wrote his theses inat which time Russia was involved in World War I. In view of the undoubted honesty of those broad sections of the mass believers in revolutionary defencism who accept the war only as a necessity, and not as a means of conquest, in view of the fact that they are being deceived by the bourgeoisie, it is necessary with particular thoroughness, persistence and patience to explain their error to them, to explain the inseparable connection existing between capital and the imperialist war, and to prove that without overthrowing capital it is impossible to end the war by a truly democratic peace, a peace not imposed by violence.
You may freely copy, distribute, display and perform this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. The class-conscious proletariat can give its consent to a revolutionary war, which would really justify revolutionary defencism, only on condition: The class-conscious proletariat can give its consent to a revolutionary war, which would really justify revolutionary defencism, only on condition: With a certain level of chutzpah Lih contends that by taking these statements at face value we might be tempted to read them as follows: By operating within the provisional government Bolsheviks would effectively be able to play a leadership role from above in addition to that which they were playing from below.
Lenin believed this corrosive development was already in train. The Germans provided Lenin with a guarded train that took him as far as the Baltic coast, from which he traveled by boat to Sweden, then on to Russia by train.
Of course it is true that after the February Revolution society had progressed compared to the Tsarist state. This was problematic because he was isolated in neutral Switzerland as World War I continued to be fought in neighbouring states. The masses must be made to see that the Soviets of Workers Deputies are the only possible form of revolutionary government, and that therefore our task is, and as long as this government yields to the influence of the bourgeoisie, to present a patient, systematic, and persistent explanation of the errors of their tactics, an explanation especially adapted to the practical needs of the masses.
Their strategy, according to Lih, was to show by what today might be called transitional demands: I read them out, and gave the text to Comrade Tsereteli. Confiscation of all landed estates.
And the view is attributed to me that I am opposed to the speedy convocation of the Constituent Assembly. Alteration of the Party Programme, mainly on the question of imperialism and the imperialist war… Change of the party name.
At the April debates Lenin explained how any unity with the Mensheviks on their terms would have meant not only the continuation of the war but also retreat on the question of land reform as well as the re-establishment of managerial control in the workplace. What Lenin was attacking here was the Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary Party assertion that, with the Tsarist autocracy toppled, it was now justifiable to argue to carry on fighting the war under the banner of defending the gains of the revolution—hence revolutionary defencism.
The Bolsheviks would be neither theoretically nor organisationally equipped to stand against it, let alone counteract it. Indeed in St Petersburg the power was very much in the hands of the workers and soldiers: However, for those holding to the continuity of the old Bolshevik scenario, Lenin does, somewhat inconveniently, present the concept of two stages of revolution.
Lenin and The April Theses. Lenin. Lenin returned to Russia on a sealed train provided by the Germans, He arrived in Petrograd on 3 April with a ten-point. It is 90 years since the start of the Russian revolution.
More particularly, this month sees the 90th anniversary of the ‘April Theses’, announced by Lenin on his return from exile, and calling for the overthrow of Kerensky’s ‘Provisional Government’ as a first.
Lenin’s April Theses were actually a brief account of a speech he delivered on his return to Russia on April 3rdthen summarised in writing the following day: “1. In our attitude towards the war, which under the new government of Lvov and company unquestionably remains on Russia’s part a.
The Theses were not party policy but in the following weeks Lenin proved that from afar he had understood better than many of the Bolshevik leaders in Russia the feelings and aspirations of the workers and soldiers.
The Significance of Lenin's April Theses His speech formed the basis of the April Theses that were published in Pravda, the Bolshevik Party newspaper, on April 7th.
The Theses were not party policy but in the following weeks Lenin proved that from afar he had understood better than many of the Bolshevik leaders in Russia the feelings.
The Significance of Lenin's April Theses Details Darrall Cozens, Coventry Labour Party and UCU It was against this background that Lenin returned from exile on April 3rd, arriving at the Finland Station. This programme however would not have existed without the April Theses of Lenin.Lenins april theses significance